The Flame of Struggle Will Never be Extinguished

RESPONSE TO DR AMIEN RAIS 

Helder M Pires

If the political situation in Indonesia were based on the 1945 Constitution which upholds the principle of freedom of expression, the comments made by Dr Amien Rais would have been rebuted or at the very least, would have become a topic of open discussion by friends in Indonesia who understand the true essence of the East Timor question. But this has not happened because, to this day, differences of opinion are still taboo in the New Order. The result is that the views expressed by Amien Rais have been able to flourish -- without alternative views being heard -- and to exert an influence on the general public who still have a very 'naive' way of looking at East Timor. 

Dr Rais's biassed views are the product of his intellectual "blindness" and "bigotry" on the question of East Timor. This is the price which has to be paid for being trapped in the undemocratic system and structure of the New Order. In an ideal world, intelligence should be dedicated to seeking the truth but it is being devoted to legitimising falsehood. Gus Dur (Abdulrachman Wahid) has said that "Intelligence which serves those in power is not intelligence in the true sense of the word." Why should we insult our intelligence for reasons of personal politics? 

The essence of the Maubere struggle 

The essence of the struggle of the Maubere people is the fight for their sacred and basic right which was ravaged when Indonesian launched its invasion and annexation of East Timor on 7 December 1975. By this action, Indonesia blatantly violated international norms and laws, and even more profoundly violated basic values upheld by all religions. Thus, the struggle of the Maubere people is perfectly legitimate under law and is morally incontrovertible. 

It should therefore surprise no one that the flame of the Maubere people's struggle will never been extinguished and will inspire every succeeding generation of Mauberes. This was the spirit that inspired the people of Indonesia to expel the Dutch and which forced the US out of Vietnam. History will be repeated in East Timor. 

Bearing all this in mind, a basic solution to the conflict in East Timor can only be found if Indonesia accepts that it is its responsibility to respect the right of the people of East Timor to self-determination. This would also restore the reputation of Indonesia, whose actions have violated international law and trampled the 1945 Constitution underfoot. 

Any solutions to the question of East Timor which refuses to recognise these basic principles, such as those being proposed by Dr Amien Rais, will only further humiliate Indonesia on the international arena as well as in the eyes of its own people. 

From a development strategy to a religious strategy 

It appears to be the case that Indonesia is now re-thinking its strategy of development, a strategy that is based on promoting economic growth, as practised in East Timor. This strategy, which Jakarta hoped would legitimise integration and would be an effective 'weapon of diplomacy' to demolish Portugal's position, has ended in tragedy. Indonesia's development strategy has turned out to be a blessing in disguise for the Maubere resistance, helping it to consolidate its forces and exposing Indonesia's lies by means of the Dili massacre on 12 November 1991. The Dili Massacre which Professor Herb Feith has portrayed as "the central event in the history of East Timor" acted as a stimulus for intellectual circles in Indonesia to develop a critical attitude towards the government. As Dr George Aditjondro has written: "Since the massacre of 12 November 1991 in Dili, some Indonesian students have begun to question the legitimacy of East Timor integration of 1976." 

Learning from these mistakes, Jakarta has been considering a more idealistic development strategy. An Indonesian diplomat recently said that, "in order to resolve the question of East Timor at the UN, there is a need for comprehensive, spiritual and material development that should also establish a sense of security and calm which would enable the people of East Timor to become committed to development". Foreign Minister Ali Alatas made the same point recently in an interview. But it's too late. Whatever the form of development practised in East Timor, it will only be a burden for the Indonesian economy and will at the same time reinforce the spirit of nationalism of the Maubere youth. 

Since the early nineties, the Indonesian military has shown signs of having become frustrated with the classic strategies and have been trying to implement a new and more "sensitive", practical strategy, the strategy of religion. The armed forces, who understand the psychology of the mass of people in East Timor very well, have engaged in acts of intolerance towards their religion as a way of provoking reactions from the East Timorese youth. And this strategy has succeeded. The aims of ABRI's strategy are twofold: 

1. In the long term, to transform the conflict in East Timor from a political conflict to a religious conflict. This is also in line with their intention to "internalise" the East Timor conflict. 

2. In the short term, to deflect the attention of the Indonesian public and the East Timorese youth who have become increasingly critical of the government on the question of East Timor. 

ABRI's success in pursuing this strategy will clearly influence perceptions of part of the Muslim community towards East Timor's sacred struggle. At the same time, ABRI's efforts will split the people of East Timor; in fact, quite a number of East Timorese have already become Muslims through a process of Islamisation (ICMI-isation - a reference to ICMI, the association of Muslim intellectuals headed by Dr. Habibie), as Bishop Belo has already pointed out. 

The position of Portugal 

The United Nations still does not recognise the integration of East Timor by the Indonesian state. On 1 December 1975, the UN General Assembly adopted several demands by majority vote, one of which was: "Rejects the claims that East Timor has been integrated into Indonesia..." On 22 December 1975, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 384 which "calls on the government of Portugal as administering power, to cooperate fully with the UN so as to enable the people of East Timor to exercise freely their right to self-determination". 

What Portugal has been doing till now is to implement the obligation placed on it by the UN Security Council while at the same time acting constitutionally, because Article 293 of the Portuguese Constitution supports the process of the decolonisation of East Timor. It is there quite groundless for Dr Amien Rais to claim that Portugal wants to restore its rule in East Timor and to say that Portugal is suffering from an "imperialist syndrome". It is Indonesia that is afflicted with a "syndrome of a greater Indonesia" by seizing Irian Jaya and East Timor and, now, by laying claim to several islands in the South China Sea. 

Helder M. Pires, 

In charge of the Political Analysis Department, 

RENETIL 

Copies to: 

1. Dr. Amein Rais 

2. All human rights organisations throughout the world. 

3. All student councils in Indonesia. 

4. Chairman of the Senate of the Social-Political Faculty at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta. 

5. The domestic and international media. 

6. Archives 

- This is a statement issued on 3 October 1995 by Renetil, the East Timorese students' organisation, in reply to Amien Rais, chair of one of Indonesia's leading Muslim organisations, Muhammadiyah

- Arkivu RENETIL